Theory
May 30, 2006Much of STO’s early analysis and strategy developed out of a careful assessment of the lived experience of several revolutionary movements of the twentieth century: the Italian “Hot Autumn” of 1969, the French uprising of 1968, the experiences of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers in Detroit during the late 1960’s, and further back the history of the IWW’s hey-day from 1905 until the mid-1920’s. At the same time, however, STO was hardly averse to theory, or to the close reading of classic works of Marxism. Of course they read Marx and Engels, and Lenin, and even Mao every once in a while, but three Marxist writers must be put at the top of the list in terms of the influence they had on STO as an organization: Antonio Gramsci, WEB Du Bois, and CLR James.
Each of these three writers now has a comfortable afterlife in the academy, with a plethora of books examining their theoretical contributions, so its worth remembering that in 1970, only a small number of radicals in North America took any inspiration from them. At that time, the Marxist section of the left was much more interested in the work of Mao, and secondarily of Stalin (sadly, I’m serious about that one), while Frantz Fanon represented something of an alternative for those who were not bound by the limits of either the European or the Marxist canon.
I want to spend more time on each of these three thinkers, but here is a brief capsule summary of each and his influence on STO.
Gramsci was a leader of the Italian Communist Party during and after World War One. He is best known today for his theory of hegemony, and STO incorporated this theory into their analysis of the functioning of capitalism and white supremacy. His insights into the social and cultural aspects of revolutionary politics were also highly prized by the group as it developed its understanding of dual consciousness. In the early seventies, STO published in pamphlet form some excerpts of Gramsci’s writings on “The Soviets in Italy,” which examined the experiences of worker uprisings after WWI. His insights on the nature and potential of the soviet form of organization were influential in STO’s early workplace organizing efforts.
Du Bois I have mentioned earlier, and his influence was most keenly felt in the theory of history held by STO, which prioritized the experience of black oppression and resistance as the central aspect of US history. For Du Bois, as for STO, the reconstruction period represented the high point of revolutionary struggle in North America over the past two hundred years. STO’s analysis of the need for white workers to repudiate white skin privilege and work in support of the struggles of black workers was based directly on the criticism offered by Du Bois of the 19th century white labor movement, which turned its back on black efforts during and after reconstruction.
James was the only one of the three to have been alive when STO was founded, and in fact some early members of the group had met James during his periodic visits to the US during the late sixties. He was a black Marxist from Trinidad, who lived parts of his life in the US, Britain, and the Caribbean. As with Du Bois, his politics represented a bridge between traditional Marxism (in James’ case, originally of the Trotskyite variety) and pan-Africanist revolutionary nationalism. For STO, James’ key contributions were two-fold: first, his rejection of the Stalinist model of revolution, in favor of the “liberation of the class is the task of the class itself” approach that informed all the different eras of STO’s work; and second, his belief that the black working class in the US represented the key sector of the class whose needs must be addressed if a revolution is to succeed. This latter concept represented the core of STO’s political strategy throughout its existence.
As I said, I need to write more about each of these three figures, to flesh out their historical position and their influence within STO. But for now, this will have to do.

hi Mike,
In your first paragraph you imply a contrast between experiences of conflict and organization in Italy, France, and Detroit, then move to theory, then to the three theorists. Does this mean that for STO didn’t engage as much with thinkers connected with these experiences? Not intended as a hostile question, just curious. Also,random question, did STO have any contact with folks from Solidarity UK?
I’d love to hear your take on these three figures and would be happy to read and discuss anything by any of them with you.
take care,
Nate
Comment by Nate — August 3, 2006 @ 5:08 am
Hey Nate,
Sorry for the delay in responding to your questions. It’s still summer; what can I say…
Your first question is a good one, and the answer in general I think is yes, that STO was more interested in the practice they saw coming out of Turin and Paris and Detroit, than they were in the theoretical writings of Tronti, or Castoriadis, or even to some extent Glaberman. In the Italian case, the timing is unclear to me on when Tronti and other Italians came to be translated into English, but I do know that STO distributed a small pamphlet pirated from that Italian issue of Radical America that we talked about months ago on your blog.
As for France, STO produced a pamphlet about the May-June events, which you can view here. This pamphlet is a detailed accounting of the goings-on at various factories during May-June, and has little to say about the theoretical underpinnings of the events. In fact, the brief intro signed by STO offers a typical (for that period in STO’s existence) criticism of left groups that “seized upon the French upheaval as an occasion to produce long analytical articles advancing its particular “line’ on how to make a revolution.”
In my experience, Detroit has been under-theorized relative to the Italian and French experiences, so there was less to go on in that case. However, throughout its existence STO distributed Glaberman’s pamphlet “Punching Out.” One former STO member said to me that the Detroit experience was confusing for STO, because the LRBW split into two groups, one of which (the Black Worker’s Congress) shared with STO the priority on industrial concentration, while the other grouping had politics that were closer to STO’s anti-stalinist support for national liberation. The contradiction perhaps kept STO from engaging more deeply the politics and theory emerging from Detroit at the turn of the 1970’s.
As for your second question: I know of no direct contact between STO and Solidarity UK, and its not clear to me that anyone in STO was even aware of the latter group’s existence. I think STO would probably have dismissed Solidarity as hopeless anarchists, while Solidarity would no doubt have been turned off by STO’s continuing appreciation of Lenin (something that was far more subject to challenge in a group like Big Flame).
Hope this helps answer your questions,
Mike
Comment by Mike — August 17, 2006 @ 7:44 pm